Fausto, as president, followed the three main principles of Florentina Emma: unity, change, and future. He advocated for unity between politicians and citizens through voting, promoted a shift in mentality regarding their representatives, and encouraged more active citizen participation in decision-making. Additionally, he aspired to a bright future, using the tools at his disposal, thanks to Victorino, to create a great republic in all its glory and splendor. He wanted no other child in the seven republics to endure the childhood he had experienced.
Here is a brief summary of his achievements as president. He successfully enacted a series of key laws that were crucial for the successful management of the government during those four years. These measures included:
Free Health and Education: Fausto championed a reform that ensured free access to health and education for all citizens. This was a significant step towards social welfare and equal opportunities.
"State selfishness is over; a republic of equals."
End of Mandatory Military Service: One of the most praised reforms was the abolition of mandatory military service. This freed many young people from the burden of compulsory conscription and was seen as an advance in individual rights, allowing the youth to pursue other goals.
"I want to see works built by man, I want to see families crying tears of joy, not pain, I want to see a nation in splendor."
Economic Reforms: Policies were implemented to revitalize the economy within the walls. This included incentives for small and medium enterprises, support for agriculture, and the establishment of an efficient trade system within the republics.
"To create an economy, one must first ensure the existence of state security."
Security and Defense: Security within the walls was strengthened, and effective strategies were developed to keep the infected at bay, as citizens still feared their lethality. For two years, Fausto gave reassuring speeches, detailing the effectiveness of the walls point by point.
About the walls: "I understand your fear, but you must understand that these walls protect us from external danger. Do not think about what lies beyond, but about where you are standing."
About security: "The army will not patrol the streets enforcing order; that is the job of the police, a nation that will have its judiciary to protect our society."
Infrastructure: Infrastructure projects were undertaken to improve transportation, communications, and housing, which facilitated a better quality of life and greater connectivity between the seven republics. Everyone could access public transportation, albeit with a fare of two fifty lunarios.
"This is what you have achieved with your taxes, a transport system that takes you wherever you want to go, with the cheapest and most economical fare, for everyone."
Social Housing Program: A program was approved to build affordable housing, with the goal of eliminating homelessness and providing a safe home for all families.
"Every individual needs their own home, and the state will build one for them."
Although these were noble words, the reality was that there were still homeless people, as only thirteen percent of the thirty percent of homeless citizens were housed. This was due to the Senate's refusal to increase public spending, leading Victorino to remind him:
"You cannot save everyone; focus on those you can save."
Renewable Energy Policies: Incentives were implemented for the development of renewable energy sources, reducing dependence on fossil fuels and promoting energy sustainability for all homes. Now, energy was public and free, as was potable water for all homes. It was difficult, but Fausto ensured that no citizen had to pay a single lunario for electricity.
"Every citizen has the right to light and water in their home. If you already pay for the production process of energy and water, why should you also pay for their use?"
Judicial Reform: Changes were made to the judicial system to ensure more equitable access to justice, reduce corruption, and ensure that all citizens received a fair trial. In this area, Fausto took advantage of his full powers to reform the judiciary. The Supreme Court, initially composed of five members, was expanded to thirty-five, with five representatives from each republic. Citizens now elected the court members, who served for ten years with one possible re-election. While this was not a cure for corruption, it gave society the key to control the judiciary.
“Our judiciary is here to ensure that our rights and obligations are respected. Therefore, it is the responsibility of both the judicial authorities and the citizens to ensure that these rights and obligations are properly upheld.”
Social Protection: Social assistance programs were established to support the most vulnerable, including food subsidies and employment programs.
“Every citizen has the right to go to sleep with a full stomach.”
Fausto consolidated his power by demonstrating tangible results and improving citizens' lives. His ability to implement effective reforms and respond to the population's needs earned him support, even from those who had not initially voted for him. Transparency in governance, open communication, and a focus on the common good contributed to building a solid base of support and a strong presidency.
After four successful years, the public perception of President Joaquín Gabriel Fernández Fausto was largely positive. Citizens valued the reforms that had significantly improved their lives, especially the achievements in health and education, which provided access to essential services to all sectors of society, regardless of their socioeconomic status.
However, the honeymoon was over for President Fausto. He now only had the support of the RIU party, as the country’s situation was stable enough for others to vie for power. There is an old saying that when one is president, their public image deteriorates day by day. A president’s talent lies in maintaining or improving their public image to retain power or aspire to re-election, though, as a reminder, he had to wait for one term before he could do so. Fausto was in this process, and it remained to be seen if he could eclipse the opposition that was beginning to emerge.
Despite this, there was no cause for concern, as his image was at its peak. There was still much to be done, but that did not deter him.
“In every corner of this wonderful republic, the general welfare for everyone will be promoted,” he declared.
The JW party was the first to declare itself completely opposed to the president, as they believed the enacted laws were detrimental to them. This was not entirely true, as Victorino ensured that they received something in return. If they accepted these agreements, it was because they agreed with them. This contradiction was the first “blunder,” as it allowed the RIU party to dismiss or belittle them. Umberto Julius, a senator from the RIU party, referred to them as “the wall climbers” and made himself the number one “political enemy” of that party. Formally, the wallists did not have a strong leader to head the party and struggled to agree on their priorities, especially after their "leader," Julio Cantero, distanced himself from the party, though he officially remained its head. It was only a matter of time before this changed, as Cantero had close ties with the president, causing anger within his own party.
Victorino saw this as an opportunity. While this opposition did not know how to handle the country’s reality, he “used” the party’s representative in all state inaugurations, creating the impression among citizens that the JW party supported the president’s policies. According to historian Oscar Torres, the main idea was to sow discord within the JW party to divide them. As Oscar said, “It’s better to fight one rival than two; but if you have two rivals and one fights the other, that’s even better.”
However, such tactics did not work, as Victorino inadvertently gave prominence to a rather "annoying" rival, Aníbal Torcuato Harrington, a lawyer graduated from Nova Terra University.
“I don’t know what the president thinks of us, but if he thinks that this [Victorino’s provocation] seeks discord, it says more about him than about us,” Harrington stated.
This ambiguous statement created a division in the society of the time, with two main factions. The first believed that President Fausto was not actually governing, but that his vice president was, while Fausto was just a puppet. The second faction thought that the president used the vice president as a human shield against criticism. Whatever the truth was, the involved parties never spoke coherently.
The tale has been taken without authorization; if you see it on Amazon, report the incident.
While the wallists and the radicals were at odds, there was another faction: the Union of the Free (UF), colloquially known as “the hares” by their opponents due to their tendency to jump from faction to faction. Founded in the year 4000 by Sofía Sigma against Director Walter IV in Nova Terra, the UF party was initially acclaimed as the “libertos.” However, after more than seven hundred years, that fame had faded. By the time Fausto became president, the UF senators were not in their best moment and were not willing to openly oppose his policies. However, they sought benefits in exchange for their vote. Victorino saw them as “a bunch of old opportunists,” making it easy to appease them. They often remained on the sidelines, expressing their dissatisfaction with the president’s policies on the radio and in the newspapers, whether on health, festivals, or education, but in practice, they did not act on it and approved all the party’s policies. This attitude would change at election time.
Fausto held a somewhat defined opinion on politics. Although the opposition party JM tried to instill the idea that Victorino was the true ruler, this was irrelevant, as Fausto knew how to maneuver at the right moments to demonstrate power. He also managed to earn the respect of his party, although that relationship would become tense due to subsequent events.
On September 9, 4775, an event occurred that would mark a turning point in the politics of the Seven Republics. In the Republic of Artigas, in the province of Ochanca, the famous event known as “the Calbaluces Uprising” took place. The Calbaluces were a species of humans with a peculiar characteristic: they were completely sensitive to sunlight. Their skin, entirely white like marble or ceramics, was highly vulnerable to the sun's rays, causing second-degree burns with just thirty minutes of exposure, and an hour would result in death. For this reason, they lived in caves, whether natural or artificial. At that time, there was only one city built underground called Odana, located beneath Artigas, a militarized zone considered independent of the other states. Many governments attempted to occupy it, but it was impossible due to the only entrance being a five-meter-wide passage. Additionally, the Calbaluces had an ability that allowed them to see in the dark, making them highly valuable and treated almost like slaves. They were very rare and kept apart from others. They could live up to two hundred and fifty years.
What happened in Ochanca was that in Montevideo, six Calbaluces were executed for theft. This accusation was invalid, as those involved were military personnel. According to the constitution, the death penalty was prohibited, and Artigas adhered to this law. However, since the Calbaluces were not treated as citizens, they were not covered by this law. This was the spark that led the Calbaluces' reserves in Ochanca to rise in arms and overthrow the governor. More than twenty thousand Calbaluces slaves took control of the province, causing chaos and death among both civilians and slaves.
In the capital, the news spread quickly, and all citizens looked in one direction: the RED HOUSE. The magistrate of Artigas, Claudio Dominico, from the URI party, requested military assistance for naval intervention. However, this request had to pass through Congress, which delayed the measure, mainly because the opposition wanted to see what the president would do, not the vice president or the president's secretary.
Fausto knew that whatever decision he made would have a significant impact. If he sent the army, people would view him as authoritarian due to past instances of such actions, although not everyone, but the vast majority. If he did nothing, the political sector and the citizens would consider him incompetent, and the idea of a single president for the seven republics would be seen as a failure, leading again to separation and conflict.
Fantino Isma, the butler of RED HOUSE, recounts that the news deeply affected the president, who had not eaten all day and had not rested all night. Isma recalls a heated argument with Vice President Victorino, who insisted it was time to demonstrate power. Fausto was not convinced and always tried to mediate or find a third option. Isma recalls that the vice president reproached him:
"I swore to stand by you in the toughest decisions, but this goes beyond us. This decision must be made not for individual values, but for the homeland."
“There will be no military intervention, now or ever, while I am president,” he continued.
“This is not about you; it’s about the nation. If you truly want my support, you must make a decision that serves the homeland, or I will.”
Fausto’s words were resolute and unyielding. “I understand your concern, Erick, but I will not intervene militarily in a republic. It’s time to end this long tradition of armed intervention that has only brought misfortune and chaos.”
Victorino’s face flushed with anger. He could barely contain his frustration as he rose to leave the room. Before he exited, he issued a final ultimatum.
“You have one week,” Victorino said with a steely gaze. “If you don’t make a decision within that time, I will.”
He left, making it clear that his patience was wearing thin and signaling to Congress that he was the real power, not Fausto.
A week later, Fausto called for a meeting of Congress. His decision had been made, and this unexpected move caught Victorino off guard. Senators and deputies assembled, eager to hear what the “president” would unveil. The press was also present, ready to report on the crucial decision.
As Fausto entered the chamber, he walked briskly with a folder in hand, his discomfort and nervousness evident to those watching. The representatives waited in tense anticipation. Hugo Bassar, a journalist, noted that the vice president was nervously biting his thumb at his desk.
Fausto took a deep breath, looking down before speaking.
“I, Joaquín Gabriel Fernández Fausto, as president of the Seven Republics, declare that no military intervention will be carried out for the…”
The chamber erupted into boos and whistles, mostly from the opposition, who shouted “Coward” and “Resign.” The ruling party fell silent, stunned by the unexpected declaration. One observer reported that Hidalgo covered his face in disappointment.
But Fausto pressed on.
“I am not finished, honorable representatives. However, I propose a bill that will add the rights and obligations of citizens, known as the Citizen’s Law, to the constitution of the Grand Republic and have it ratified by the magistrates. It’s time to relegate the military and give more prominence to democratic institutions.”
He continued with conviction, “In summary, any person born within the walls is a citizen who enjoys the protection, guarantees, and obligations of the state of the Grand Confederation of the Seven Republics. Every citizen is free upon birth within the walls. This bill categorically prohibits the sale of the Calbaluces.”
Fausto’s voice rang with determination. “If we want a future for our children, the ownership of a man or woman as an object must be eradicated. We are a republic by and for the people.”
With his statement made, Fausto left the chamber. As he walked out, the senators rose, shouting “Tyrant” at each step he took. Victorino stood up, determined to confront him. In the grand corridor between the chamber and the exit, the vice president caught up with Fausto.
“Are you aware that you’ve just shattered any potential alliance with the opposition parties from Artigas and Neptún?” Victorino demanded.
“I know,” Fausto replied calmly.
“And that it also affects our party. If they break the bloc, you will lose your majority in Congress and be left alone in this. No matter how noble and morally respectable your ideals about the welfare of your people are, if you don’t provide something tangible to those who keep you in power, you’ll sink along with your ideals.”
Fausto’s resolve did not waver. “I don’t intend to patch up a problem, Erick. I plan to root it out completely. It will be painful, but that wound will never cause problems again.”
Victorino’s concerns were not unfounded. The Congress had 1,120 seats, and the URI party had won the majority of the elections across the seven republics. According to the law, the winning party could send four senators, the second-place party two, and the third-place party one. The republics were: Artigas (seven provinces), Argentum (13 provinces), Neptún (nine provinces), Bélua (25 provinces), Nova Terra (five provinces), Inca (11 provinces), and Cárdenas (10 provinces). With this distribution, the URI party held a total of 640 seats, including deputies. The JM party, with its coalition of smaller parties, had 320 seats, and the UL party had 160 seats.
Due to Fausto’s declarations, he risked losing the support of Artigas and Neptún, which meant losing 192 votes and, consequently, the backing of these republics. While they would remain part of the party, they would neither defend nor vote in favor of his laws. These two republics had their economies firmly tied to the slavery of the Calbaluces, who were ideal for mining minerals in Neptún’s caves, and Artigas served as the major source of enslaved labor. Fausto’s push for the freedom of slaves would have a severely negative impact on the economies of these two republics and create a rift in the ruling party, something the opposition would eagerly exploit.
It was a shock when the president left Congress with a constitutional reform concerning Calbaluce slavery. But the surprise deepened when no news of him emerged for four days. The media labeled this silence as a political defeat, suggesting that if he said nothing, it was because he had nothing to say. The surprise reached new heights when Victorino went to see Fausto and found no trace of him, only to be informed by Fausto’s wife of a startling development: the day before, Fausto had traveled, without notifying anyone, to the Republic of Artigas, specifically to the province of Ochanca. While Victorino was still processing this unexpected information, his astonishment grew further when he learned that Secretary Sid Lester was at Congress with a radio station in hand, which Fausto would use to communicate with them.
“Good morning, representatives of Congress. I have something to tell you,” Lester announced, preparing to relay Fausto’s message.