Before Fausto's rise to power, the population lived in constant fear of an external enemy. The walls surrounding the republics were a perpetual reminder of that threat. However, in just five years, Fausto managed to shift the public discourse. Now, in the streets, citizens debated policies and democracy, not the external threat. The Seven Republics were transforming, and Gabrielism, with its focus on the citizens' well-being and social justice, was solidifying as the engine of that change.

From there, Fausto dedicated himself to founding more institutions and strengthening the state's infrastructure: schools, hospitals, police stations, universities, and fire departments. He funded all these institutions for the general welfare of the citizens. Though many saw this as unnecessary spending, it was an expense worth making, as the only way to weaken the military was to give citizens thousands of other options, with more nurses and teachers in the streets than soldiers.

At some patriotic events, the military showed little respect for him. Traditionally, the head of state was supposed to hand over the honor saber to the graduates, but some officers would brusquely snatch it from his hands. However, Fausto wasn’t a fool; when they tried to take the saber from him, he would grab it and throw it behind him.

In a firm voice, he would shout to the four winds: "Insubordination! Demoted with a year of house arrest!"

Only six officers dared to defy him that day; the rest passed with honors. Nevertheless, Fausto did not overlook the insolence. He stepped onto the podium and gave his speech: "It’s quaint how you don’t hide your disdain for me. But let me be very clear: YOU WILL NOT TREAT THE REPUBLICAN STATE AS YOUR PLAYGROUND! If anyone has even the slightest issue with my orders, leave—or better yet, shoot me."

The hall fell into complete silence. "I want the performance of Neptune’s army, the bravery of Foster’s army, not the murderers of dictator Travis Francisco or the cowards of Tamara Ojeda."

Tamara Ojeda had overthrown the third Argentum Directory and ruled authoritatively, using the military to massacre her own citizens. In the end, when the Inca Directory and the Neptune Directory declared war on her, what did Tamara do? She fled with her followers, leaving a devastated nation on the brink of collapse. She spent her last days without trial in Artigas.

Fausto posed a potential threat to the military, but they couldn’t act against him. Despite their discontent, they didn’t want to risk a coup, as they had finally cleaned up their image before society and didn’t want to compromise it again. Besides, Fausto had only three years left in power, so they showed their claws but didn’t use them.

These were peaceful years, with little tension in society. People talked about sports, politics, festivals, and theater. Social stability was reminiscent of the years before the war. However, as in any democratic society, there were always tensions, especially concerning ideologies.

Presidential campaigns had begun, and candidates had to present themselves to the public, explaining why they were the best option for the presidency. Meanwhile, Fausto, consciously or not, traveled across the Seven Republics, giving speeches, presenting works, or attending inaugurations. One of the most notable features of his presidency was the inauguration of many state-funded infrastructures and their strengthening through institutional diversification.

"A democratic nation is strong and transparent when the people are present within it," were some of Fausto’s most remembered words. Gabrielism began to raise flags with his face, his name, and his words.

However, the opposition, led by Aníbal Harrington, started attacking. There was some truth in their accusations: Fausto wasn’t properly maintaining the walls. The military didn’t have enough resources to monitor them constantly, and Fausto had ordered them to be inspected only once a year.

For Aníbal, this was an insult. His party, whose ideology was summed up in "Walls First," advocated for strict and permanent control. Even if it meant diverting essential resources for the population—food, medicine, and healthcare—toward the military. As historian Orlando Feria said: "No matter how perfect a power structure is, no one controls the human factor." This was reflected in cases of corruption and resource mismanagement.

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Fausto remembered how, in his youth, the military would come to his village, take the young men, and demand free food. Then, they would simply leave. That’s how the last years of the Directory were—a monumental ordeal. This resentment towards the military was ingrained in him, and many speculated that this was the root of his conflict with the army.

Despite everything, Fausto created "The Cavalry," a military force that answered solely to the president. This unit was trained under the pretext of defending and executing the executive branch’s orders, placing itself above the police and military in times of need. Its main function was simple: to guard the resources sent to military bases and witness their delivery, not just visually, but also in the records.

This control deeply irritated the military, who considered it an "absurd" act. One general dared to say, "The young should respect their elders." This was Gerald Reccson, who founded the famous PM, the Military Party, which became the refuge for military opponents of the government. While history wasn’t kind to Reccson’s descendants, he was an astute intellectual who used the constitution's rules to challenge Fausto.

The surprise came when, in a radio broadcast, Gerald Reccson announced his presidential candidacy. He became Fausto’s second major rival, after Aníbal.

But the question persisted among the population: Who would be the RIU party’s candidate? Fausto couldn’t run again. Many speculated about Victorino or Laura Ventura. The biggest surprise came on May 2, 4776, at 10:24 AM, when Fausto announced, without preamble, that his candidate would be none other than Karen Freeman Gabriel.

That’s right—his wife.

The news struck like lightning. Until then, Karen had maintained a low profile in national politics. Though many knew her as a skilled diplomat and a staunch advocate of Fausto’s social policies, she had shown no public intentions of assuming such a prominent role. However, those close to the president’s inner circle knew that Karen had been a key figure in Fausto’s administration from behind the scenes. She had been actively involved in the most delicate international negotiations and in implementing many of the government’s most ambitious reforms.

In fact, it’s strongly suspected that the party knew, and that Hidalgo not only congratulated her but also gave her his support.

Now, with Fausto ineligible for re-election, the RIU rallied around her as the figure of continuity. The announcement was meticulous, calculated to consolidate popular support and avoid fractures within the party. Fausto had been an impeccable president, dedicated to the people’s welfare, with undeniable achievements in free education, universal healthcare, and fair wages. However, his focus on strengthening the social system and democratizing politics had made him enemies, especially within the Military Party (PM) and the JW, the conservative opposition.

Karen Freeman Gabriel wasted no time addressing the nation, fully aware of the expectations placed on her. In her first speech, broadcast across all Seven Republics, she made it clear that her candidacy was not merely a continuation of Fausto’s legacy, but the evolution of his vision.

"Fausto’s dream isn’t just his own; it belongs to all the people," said Karen, her voice resonating firmly and full of conviction. "A just, participatory, and equitable government. The walls of the Seven Republics are not only built with stone and steel but with the effort and sacrifice of everyone. While their creators and the first to build them are no longer with us, their descendants are, and as gratitude for their great sacrifice, the people—the children of the wall’s workers—must be rewarded in their name with a better future."

However, the JW and PM saw her candidacy as an opportunity to attack. Aníbal Harrington, the leader of the JW, wasted no time questioning her ability to lead:

"This is not just about continuity. The RIU intends to turn politics into a family affair, consolidating its power in a dynasty. The country doesn’t need more of the same; it needs a new vision, one that restores the balance and tradition we’ve lost so much of."

Meanwhile, the Military Party, led by General Gerald Reccson, wasn’t lagging behind. Unlike the JW, which bet on a conservative discourse, the PM used fear and security as its banner. Reccson, with his usual martial tone, warned that the Seven Republics couldn’t afford another decade of demilitarization.

"While Fausto and Karen are building hospitals and universities," he said in a speech before thousands of soldiers, "our borders are more vulnerable than ever. We need a government focused on defense, on the security of our walls. Populism doesn’t protect the Republics; only a strong military will."

Rumors about military movements and possible alliances between the PM and disgruntled sectors of the army began to grow. The fear of military intervention in the electoral process was not unfounded. Throughout his term, Fausto had clashed with the military high command over his insistence on cutting the defense budget and redirecting it to social projects.

Karen, for her part, remained resolute. In a radio interview:

"The government belongs to the people, not the weapons," she said, looking directly at the camera. "My commitment is to every citizen of these republics. Security isn’t built solely with armies, but with a strong, educated, and healthy population. We will not back down."

But before moving forward, we must take a step back. How did this happen? Why Karen?