Governor Tyler had been every bit as taken aback by Nat and Black Fox’s information as Camden had been. It was resolved that they must act quickly and that a formal peace council with the tribes was absolutely necessary. Getting representatives from Kentucky there could pose a problem, but the Governor was adamant that the council must be called first, and Wilkinson dealt with later.

Camden was pleased to learn that his old friend James Monroe had been appointed as an envoy to attend the peace council. After his diligent work at the convention in Philadelphia, he continued to serve the people of Virginia first in the House of Delegates and then as a representative to the Confederation Congress which had been meeting in Baltimore. Camden had heard that Monroe was in Richmond and so decided to pay him a visit.

Arriving at the apartment that Governor Tyler had secured for Monroe, Camden found his old friend to be in an odd mood. He was very welcoming, and the two reminisced for several minutes, but it was also apparent that something was troubling him.

“No doubt you are preparing to leave on your journey west very soon?” Camden asked.

“Indeed, yes.”

Camden could see that Monroe’s mind was racing. Rather than interrupt the thought process he waited for the other man to speak.

“I am, however, conflicted. Perhaps you can see why.”

“I can see that you are troubled, but I am far less certain why. I am not certain at all, in fact.”

“My apologies. I find of late that I am prone to forget that not everyone keeps up with the doings of the Congress as regularly as others. Of course, in your position, you have had much more weighty matters requiring your attention.”

Monroe pulled a single leaf of paper from a portfolio that had been sitting open on the room’s cluttered desk. He began to read from it, and Camden recognized the words immediately:

“The United States in Congress assembled shall also have the sole and exclusive right and power of . . . regulating the trade and managing all affairs with the Indians, not members of any of the States, provided that the legislative right of any State within its own limits be not infringed or violated.”

Monroe replaced the sheet before continuing.

“It goes on in a similar vein; the ninth article is, as you know, rather lengthy.”

Understanding began to dawn on Camden. “I see your concern, I think. Is it that the peace council is proceeding without the consent of Congress as the Articles of Confederation would seem to require?”

“It is precisely that. The problem of foreign affairs has been a topic of no little discussion among the delegates to Congress, especially with all the news that continues to arrive from France. Heaven only knows what Mr. Jefferson’s friends are up to, but though the French have been our allies—well, you know as well as anyone, I suppose, that there are many who have sought for years to draw us close to London once more.”

Camden could not claim a particularly close acquaintance with Mr. Jefferson. He was not entirely sure, however, that the association between the Minister to France and the Parisian revolutionary factions was quite as close as was often implied. Some of the same newspapers that once tried to drag Monroe’s name through the mud also turned out to be the purveyors of the most scurrilous attacks on Jefferson’s character.

“I take it you think that the heightened awareness toward that particular article is more likely to draw attention to this council?”

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“Yes, and in fact, I cannot be sure that the New England party would not withhold consent, thus effecting a veto on the entire endeavor. Among their numbers are those who most fervently wanted to remake our confederation into something considerably more like the dominion we left. Though it would be something akin to cutting off their own noses to spite their faces, those gentlemen almost seem as if they would have no peace at all in the West, rather than one that they did not orchestrate or one that does not sufficiently placate Farmer George or that foppish son of his!”

Monroe lifted his hand as if he were about to slam it on the desk, but caught himself. Camden thought that a wise decision, given the state of confusion in which the papers were already arranged.

“Forgive my frustration, please.”

“Of course. But I think you need not be as frustrated as you are. In fact, I’ve thought about this issue quite a bit in recent days.”

“Oh? What relief can you offer my mind, then?”

“Consider also the language of the second article. May I?” He gestured toward the copy of the Articles and Monroe nodded his consent.

Holding it up, Camden read: “Each state retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independence, and every Power, Jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this confederation expressly delegated to the United States, in Congress assembled.”

“Add to that the last part of what you have already read about the limits on Congress: ‘provided that the legislative right of any State within its own limits be not infringed or violated.’ Upon its entering the confederation Virginia gave up nothing, you see; the Commonwealth retains all of its powers and rights as against any other state in the world, be it England or France or Maryland or New York.”

“True, yes, but will not the partisans in the northern states still object that this power is among those that have been expressly delegated?”

“Perhaps they will. But even that language of delegation is not unlimited. The right of Virginia to legislate for Virginia remains inviolate. I know you and Governor Tyler make no claim to negotiate anything on behalf of the New England states or on behalf of Congress. So long as their freedom and independence to act remains, they can hardly complain that Virginia exercises hers, can they?”

“Oh, I have no doubt that some will complain no matter what may happen at this peace council.”

“I suppose we can only let them do as they will.”

Just then there was a knock at the outer door. Monroe rose to admit the caller, who he seemed to have expected. Monroe stood to one side as the Governor strode into the room.

“Mr. Page! How fortunate to find you here.”

Monroe shut the door and stood near the desk, allowing Governor Tyler the courtesy of the room’s only other chair.

“Mr. Monroe, I hope you will not mind terribly if I address myself to Mr. Page before coming around to our business?”

Monroe nodded his assent.

“I give you my thanks. Now then, Mr. Page, I’ll get straight to the point: I wish you to come to Kentucky with me as a special adviser for the duration of the peace council. Would that I could have the assistance of your mentor—not meaning to disparage your capability, of course.”

“I take no offense at that, Mr. Tyler, however—”

“Please allow me to finish, Mr. Page. Your reputation for humility precedes you, but I am compelled to enumerate my reasons. You are not Mr. Randolph, that is true. But in the short time that we have been acquainted, it has become clear that you think very much like he does. There may be times when you will not have the answer I need, but I am confident you will help me ask the right questions. Will you come with me and be of service to Virginia?”

Camden took in a deep breath and let it out before speaking. In the periphery of his vision he almost thought he could see Monroe leaning toward him in anticipation.

“You flatter me, sir. Rather I should say that you compliment me immensely and I receive it gratefully. It is to serve Virginia that I called upon Mr. Monroe this afternoon, but I fear that must be the extent of my service in this instance. Mr. Randolph and I had not planned for his absence to continue nearly this long. Our partnership requires my full attention more than ever before. If I can help you in any other way I am glad to do it, but I cannot journey west at this time.”

“I am sure that I am not the only one who will regret your absence, but I understand.”

Camden rose to leave, but as he did he glanced over to see Monroe with a thoughtful grin on his face.

“If Mr. Page cannot accompany you, Governor Tyler, perhaps he knows someone—a mutual acquaintance—who can still be of assistance.”

Camden retook his seat, chuckled to himself, and then began explaining to the Governor of Virginia why one “Nathaniel Aldridge, thief-taker” lately of Philadelphia, could prove useful.